August 10, 2010 - This report presents findings from a comprehensive survey to determine the magnitude of madrasa institutions in Bangladesh and whether the quality of the education is on par with secular schools? Based on the outcome of the survey, the report highlights that while gender equality in access has been achieved in both schools and madrasas, girls systematically fare poorer in learning outcomes.

About the Report

Executive Summary

Bangladesh has continued to expand access to secondary education in rural areas by providing public financing to support private institutions.

However, achieving further progress under the prevalence of widespread poverty requires reaching out to difficult-to-reach children.

In order to do so, the Government of Bangladesh made a pragmatic decision to allow privately established and operated madrasas to receive public funding provided they officially register with the government, and to open admission to girls.

Today, most of these madrasas operate as co-educational and follow a state-approved curriculum where students are educated in religious matters as well as modern subjects such as, Mathematics, English, and Science.

According to the latest census carried out by Bangladesh Bureau of Educational Information and Statistics (BANBEIS) in 2005, there were 27,714 registered secondary educational institutions in Bangladesh of which 33% were Aliyah madrasas (i.e. registered Islamic schools). So, the religious education sector is quite large.

Little systematic information is available on religious schools that remain outside the state sector and not registered by the state. There is a perceived difference among the various madrasas in terms of in-school conduct and curriculum content.

If so, lumping all Islamic schools together and calling them “madrasas” is misleading.

Madrasas operating at primary or secondary levels in Bangladesh are classified in two broad categories: Aliyah madrasas and Quomi madrasas.

The establishment of Aliyah madrasas and their activities follow government regulations as prescribed by the Madrasa Education Board.

For a madrasa operating at any level, there are clearly prescribed requirements for state recognition and support.

Aliyah madrasas offer a hybrid education where students are taught in both religious education and modern general education.

On the other hand, the overwhelming number of Quomis are not registered, operating without any government oversight, some under a plethora of informal undocumented boards, and most of all – financially independent of the state.

Findings

The report finds some evidence that madrasas are more likely to be located in poor rural areas, and there is a relationship between household poverty and madrasa attendance.

The income effect is, however, small in magnitude indicating that there are other major factors besides household wealth that influences madrasa enrolment.

Regardless of what factors ultimately shape household decision to send their children to madrasas, a clear understanding of the religious school sector is necessary if this institution is to serve as an instrument for the rural population in Bangladesh to escape future poverty traps.

Key Recommendations of the Report

• A nuanced policy discussion on madrasas reform is required in distinguishing between Aliyah and Quomi madrasas.
• Reducing the quality gap, particularly in English, between public secondary schools and Aliyahs is key. Aliyahs must be held responsible for improving learning outcomes.
• Engage with Quomi madrasas to explore options such as introducing modern subjects, paired with fiscal incentives and oversight under a unified regulatory body.
• The policy discourse on madrasas in Bangladesh should have a sound empirical basis.